Mais de 300 acadêmicos e intelectuais renomados assinaram um manifesto para pedir a libertação do presidente Lula. Entre os signatários, há nomes como o economista francês Thomas Piketty, a filósofa e ativista norte-americana Angela Davis e o filósofo esloveno Slavoj Žižek.
No manifesto, os intelectuais afirmam que Lula é um preso político e pedem para a comunidade internacional tratá-lo dessa forma. Na petição, eles chamam o processo contra o ex-presidente de “kafkiano”.
O texto afirma que Sérgio Moro desconsiderou a falta de provas ao condenar o ex-presidente. “O magistrado escolheu o réu e, atuando como investigador, promotor e juiz, condenou-o por ter cometido ‘atos de ofício indeterminados de corrupção’.”
Os signatários lembram ainda das “táticas” para manter o caso do ex-presidente sob a jurisdição de Moro. Eles mencionam a divulgação ilegal de uma conversa telefônica entre Dilma Rousseff e Lula em 2016 e alegação “sem provas” do magistrado de que ela revelava uma “obstrução da Justiça”. Os intelectuais também recordam que o Tribunal Federal da 4ª Região considerou que a Operação Lava Jato era “excepcional” e que as regras “ordinárias” não se lhe aplicavam.
Os intelectuais lembram ainda a afirmação de Rosa Weber, durante o julgamento do habeas corpus de Lula no Supremo Tribunal Federal, de que teria votado de outra forma se a Corte “estivesse analisando a questão constitucional em abstrato”. Há menções ainda à pressão do general Eduardo Villas Bôas, Comandante do Exército, nas vésperas do julgamento.
Eles concluem que os abusos do poder judiciário contra Lula “configuram uma perseguição política mal disfarçada sob manto legal”. “Lula da Silva é um preso político. Sua detenção mancha a democracia brasileira. Os defensores da democracia e da justiça social no Oriente e no Ocidente, no Norte e no Sul do globo, devem se unir a um movimento mundial para exigir a libertação de Lula da Silva.”
Leia a íntegra dos manifestos e conheça os signatários:
Lula da Silva é um preso político. Lula livre!
Manifestamos aqui nossa profunda preocupação com as circunstâncias nas quais o ex-presidente brasileiro Lula da Silva foi julgado e preso. Sobram evidências de que Lula da Silva foi vítima de uma guerra jurídica (Lawfare), ou seja, abuso de poder judicial para fins políticos. Portanto, a comunidade internacional deve considerá-lo e tratá-lo como um preso político.
O julgamento de Lula foi conduzido como parte da chamada Operação Lava Jato, uma investigação sobre pagamentos de propina a executivos da Petrobrás e políticos, alguns dos quais ocorreram enquanto Lula era presidente. Embora críticos afirmem que “Lula deveria saber” ou que “Lula deve ter ganho algo”, não há evidências de sua participação no pagamento de propinas. De acordo com a lei brasileira, a corrupção é uma relação de troca. Para condenar Lula por corrupção, o Ministério Público deveria provar que ele participou das fraudes a licitações e/ou recebeu bens ou valores em contraprestação por tais atos ilícitos.
Em 2016, Lula foi acusado de receber um apartamento modesto da OAS, uma das contratadas da Petrobrás envolvidas no esquema de corrupção. No entanto, não há conversa telefônica gravada, transações bancárias, transferência de fundos ou títulos de propriedade que deem base para a acusação contra Lula. Ele nunca utilizou ou se beneficiou com o apartamento. Pior ainda, mais tarde veio a público a informação de que o mesmo apartamento havia sido dado como garantia pela OAS em transação de empréstimo de longo prazo, não obstante a acusação de que Lula era o dono do imóvel.
A falta de provas incriminatórias foi desconsiderada por Sérgio Moro, o juiz responsável pelo caso contra Lula. Moro baseou sua decisão em “colaboração informal” (nem mesmo uma delação premiada) de Leo Pinheiro, proprietário da OAS. Pinheiro já havia sido condenado a 26 anos de prisão quando decidiu “colaborar” e envolver Lula. Ele afirmou que o apartamento era “destinado” a Lula, uma acusação que contradiz outros 73 depoimentos, mas que foi considerada suficiente para o juiz Moro condenar Lula da Silva. A sentença de Pinheiro, por sua vez, foi reduzida para três anos e ele foi posto em regime semiaberto.
Além de não provar que Lula era proprietário do apartamento, o Ministério Público não pode apontar nenhuma ação ou omissão específica que Lula tenha executado para beneficiar a OAS. Lula havia sido acusado de beneficiar essa empresa com três contratos de fornecimento para a Petrobrás. Após meses de investigações, nenhuma prova material nesse sentido foi encontrada. Moro então condenou Lula por ter praticado “atos indeterminados de corrupção” que teriam beneficiado a OAS. Essa categorização inverte o ônus da prova e a presunção de inocência e simplesmente não existe no sistema jurídico brasileiro.
Inadvertidamente, o próprio juiz Moro admitiu que não tinha jurisdição sobre o caso de Lula. Ao julgar um recurso apresentada pela defesa, ele declarou que “jamais afirmou… que os valores obtidos pela Construtora OAS nos contratos com a Petrobrás foram utilizados para pagamento da vantagem indevida para o ex-Presidente”. Se o caso não tem relação com a corrupção da Petrobrás, ele não deveria ter sido julgado por Moro.
Em termos mais simples, pode-se dizer que, no processo de Lula, o magistrado escolheu o réu e, atuando como investigador, promotor e juiz, condenou-o por ter cometido “atos de ofício indeterminados de corrupção”. Tal sentença, pelo seu próprio texto, não encontra sustentação legal e constitucional, inclusive pelas normas brasileiras, uma vez que se refere a “atos indeterminados”. Uma sentença que se refere a crimes “indeterminados” não resiste a qualquer escrutínio jurídico lógico e razoável, sendo completamente Kafkiana. Além disso, a referência a “atos de ofício” é irreal, pois as acusações infundadas que motivaram a sentença de Moro se referem a uma narrativa que começa em 2013, bem depois de Lula ter deixado o cargo.
A guerra jurídica contra Lula também incluiu táticas para manter seu caso sob a jurisdição de Moro a qualquer custo. Em março de 2016, Moro vazou ilegalmente escutas telefônicas envolvendo a presidente em exercício, Dilma Rousseff, que tratavam da nomeação de Lula como Ministro Chefe da Casa Civil da Presidência da República. Moro alegou, novamente sem provas, que essa nomeação era um meio de “obstrução da justiça”, já que, uma vez nomeado para o governo, Lula seria julgado pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF) e não pelo próprio Moro. Embora a imparcialidade de Moro tenha sido questionada, o Tribunal Regional Federal da 4a Região (TRF-4), a instância a rever imediatamente o caso de Lula na estrutura judiciária brasileiro, considerou que a Operação Lava Jato era “excepcional” e que as regras “ordinárias” não se lhe aplicavam.
A natureza Kafkiana do julgamento de Lula foi reforçada quando, em agosto de 2017, o Presidente do TRF-4 declarou que a sentença de Moro contra Lula era “tecnicamente irrepreensível”, embora admitisse que nem havia lido o caso. Enquanto isso, sua chefe de gabinete postava em sua página no Facebook uma petição solicitando a prisão de Lula da Silva.
Em seguida, o TRF-4 acelerou a apreciação do caso. O julgamento da apelação contra a sentença de Moro que condenou Lula foi colocado à frente de 257 outros casos pendentes. O relator levou apenas seis dias para concluir sua análise do caso, em um processo que tinha literalmente milhares de páginas e horas de depoimentos. A turma do Tribunal levou 196 dias para julgar a apelação quando, em média, necessita de 473 dias para julgar casos semelhantes. O TRF-4 também ordenou a prisão de Lula tão logo do julgamento da apelação, o que aconteceu com apenas 3 dos outros 20 acusados na Lava Jato, cujos mandados de prisão foram emitidos apenas meses depois.
Lula então pleiteou um Habeas Corpus no Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF), visando afastar a possibilidade de prisão imediata, dado que ainda tinha o direito de entrar com recursos. De acordo com a Constituição brasileira, “ninguém será considerado culpado até o trânsito em julgado de sentença penal condenatória”. Dada essa previsão expressa na Constituição, é importante notar o seguinte: a sentença proferida por Moro contra Lula, cuja condenação foi mantida e ampliada pelo TRF-4 (de 9 para 12 anos de prisão), ainda pode ser revista pelos Tribunais Superiores, incluindo o STJ (Superior Tribunal de Justiça) e o STF (Supremo Tribunal Federal), este último a instância mais elevada no país para questões constitucionais.
Em voto decisivo para a negativa do Habeas Corpus a Lula, uma Ministra do STF declarou que teria votado de outra forma se a Corte estivesse analisando a questão constitucional em abstrato, ao invés de sua aplicação específica ao caso de Lula. Na véspera da votação, o Comandante Geral do Exército tuitou uma mensagem para a Corte, dizendo que “o Exército não tolerará a impunidade”. Por essa ameaça velada, ele não recebeu reprimendas, mas sim uma “curtida” vinda da conta do Twitter do mesmo TRF-4 que confirmou a condenação de Lula.
Na manhã seguinte, o juiz que preside o TRF-4 previu, em entrevista à imprensa, que a prisão de Lula não ocorreria em menos de um mês, considerando todos os procedimentos ainda pendentes no tribunal. À tarde, no entanto, o TRF-4 pediu a Moro que ordenasse a prisão de Lula. Moro levou dezenove minutos para proferir decisão, a qual reconhecia que Lula ainda tinha direito a interpor um recurso perante o TRF-4, mas considerava que esse recurso é uma “patologia protelatória” que “deveria ser eliminada do mundo jurídico”.
Não é de surpreender pesquisa recente na qual 55% dos entrevistados no Brasil concordam que “Lula está sendo perseguido pelo Judiciário” e 73% concordam com a afirmação de que “os poderosos o querem fora das eleições” nas quais ele ainda é, de longe, o candidato favorito.
Os abusos do poder judiciário contra Lula da Silva configuram uma perseguição política mal disfarçada sob manto legal. Lula da Silva é um preso político. Sua detenção mancha a democracia brasileira. Os defensores da democracia e da justiça social no Oriente e no Ocidente, no Norte e no Sul do globo, devem se unir a um movimento mundial para exigir a libertação de Lula da Silva.
Exigimos: Free Lula, Lula Libre, Liberté por Lula, Freiheit für Lula, Lula Libero, حرية, 释放卢拉, 룰라 석방하라!, חוֹפֶשׁ, フリーダム, Свободу Луле, Lula Livre!
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- Michael Meeropol – Professor Emeritus of Economics, Western New England University, Springfield, Massachusetts
- Cristina Mehrtens – Associate Professor in the History and Women’s & Gender Studies departments at the University of Massachusetts Dartmouth
- William Mello – Associate Professor, Indiana University
- Ian Merkel – History and French Studies, New York University (NYU)
- Paul C. Mishler, PhD. – Associate Professor of Labor Studies -Department of Labor Studies – Indiana University
- Owen Miller – Lecturer in Korean Studies, Department of East Asian Languages and Cultures, SOAS, London
- Pedro Meira Monteiro – Professor and Chair of the Department of Spanish and Portuguese Studies, Princeton University
- Andrea Melloni – Portuguese Lecturer, Princeton University
- Lorraine C. Minnite – Associate Professor of Public Policy, Rutgers University, Camden
- Sean Mitchell – Associate Professor, Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Rutgers University, Newark
- Julia Monarrez, Professor of El Colegio de la Frontera Norte, Tijuana, B.C., México
- Beatriz de Moraes Vieira – Visiting Scholar, Cornell University
- Michelle Morais de Sa e Silva, PhD – Lecturer in International and Area Studies, Department of International and Area Studies, The University of Oklahoma
- Paulo Moreira – Associate Professor, Department of Modern Languages, Literatures and Linguistics, University of Oklahoma
- Julieta Mortati – Universidad Tres de Febrero, Buenos Aires, Argentina
- Joia S. Mukherjee, MD, MPH – Chief Medical Officer, Partners In Health, Associate Professor, Harvard Medical School
- Nick Nesbitt, Professor – Department of French and Italian, Princeton University
- Sara Niedzwiecki – Assistant Professor, Politics Department, University of California, Santa Cruz
- Marcelo Noah, Duke University
- Renato Nunes Balbim – Visiting Scholar – University of California at Irvine
- Paul O’Connell – Associate Dean for Research (Law and Social Sciences) – SOAS, University of London
- Arnold J Oliver – Emeritus Professor of Political Science, Heidelberg University, Tiffin, Ohio
- Andrea Pagni, Friedrich-Alexander-Univesität Erlangen-Nürnberg, Germany
- Marcelo Paixão – Associate Professor of The University of Texas at Austin
- Charles Palermo, Professor, College of William & Mary, Williamsburg, Virginia
- Cecilia Palmeiro, PhD – Universidad Nacional de Tres de Febrero – Argentina
- Fabio Paolizzo – University of California Irvine, University of Rome Tor Vergata
- Virginia Parks – Chair of Department of Planning, Policy and Design; Professor of Urban Planning, University of California at Irvine
- Kenneth Paul Erickson – Professor of Political Science – Hunter College, and The Graduate Center, City University of New York (CUNY)
- Keisha-Khan Perry – Associate Professor, Director of Graduate Studies, The Department of Africana Studies – Brown University
- Gretchen Pierce, Ph.D. – Associate Professor, Shippensburg University of Pennsylvania
- Julio Pinto Vallejos – Departamento de Historia, Universidad de Santiago de Chile
- José Antonio Piqueras, Professor of History, Universitat Jaume I (Spain)
- Margaret Power – Professor of History and Chair of the Department of Humanities, Illinois Institute of Technology
- Fabricio Prado, Associate Professor of History, College of William & Mary, Williamsburg, Virginia
- Mary Louise Pratt – Silver Professor in the Department of Social and Cultural Analysis – New York University – former President of the Modern Language Association
- Seth Racusen, Associate Professor of Political Science and Criminal Justice, Anna Maria College, Massachusetts
- Donald Ramos, Emeritus Professor, Cleveland State University
- George Reid Andrews – Distinguished Professor of History, University of Pittsburgh
- Peter Ranis – Professor Emeritus of Political Science, City University of New York (CUNY)
- Lucía Raphael de la Madrid – Instituto de Investigaciones Jurídicas – Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México (UNAM)
- Marcus Rediker, Distinguished Professor of Atlantic History of the Department of History at University of Pittsburgh
- Adolph Reed, Jr. – Professor of Political Science – University of Pennsylvania
- Jan Rehmann – Director of the Ph.D Program, Visiting Professor for Critical Theory and Social Analysis, Union Theological Seminary, New York
- Russell Rickford – Associate Professor, History Department, Cornell University
- Abigail Rian Evans, Charlotte Newcombe Professor of Practical Theology, Emerita, Princeton Theological Seminary, New Jersey
- Jonathan Ritter – Associate Professor of Music, University of California Riverside
- Dylon Robbins – Department of Spanish & Portuguese/Center for Latin American & Caribbean Studies (CLACS) – New York University
- Thomas D. Rogers – Associate Professor, Emory University, Atlanta, Georgia
- Monique Rodrigues Balbuena – Associate Professor of Comparative Literature and Jewish Studies, Clark Honors College, University of Oregon
- Manuel Rosaldo – University of California, Berkeley
- Karin Rosemblatt – Professor, Department of History, University of Maryland
- Robert C. Rosen – William Paterson University, New Jersey
- Jennifer Roth-Gordon – Associate Professor, School of Anthropology, University of Arizona
- Fábio de Sá e Silva – Professor of International Studies and Wick Cary Professor of Brazilian Studies at the University of Oklahoma
- Alfredo Saad Filho – Professor of Political Economy ¬- SOAS University of London
- Marco Aurelio Santana – Visiting Scholar, University of California, Berkeley
- Patricia de Santana Pinho – Associate Professor, Latin American and Latino Studies, University of California, Santa Cruz
- Martha S Santos – Associate Professor, University of Akron, Ohio
- David Sartorius – Associate Professor of History and a Faculty Affiliate of the Latin American Studies Center and the Department of Women’s Studies, University of Maryland
- Patricia Schor ¬- Lecturer, Social Sciences & Humanities, Amsterdam University College, The Netherlands
- Ellen Schrecker – Professor of History, retired, Yeshiva University, New York City
- Mark Selden – Senior Research Associate in the East Asia Program, Cornell University, and Professor Emeritus of Sociology and History, State University of New York at Binghamton
- Alan Shane Dillingham – Assistant Professor of Latin American History, director of Latin American Studies Minor at Spring Hill College, Mobile, Alabama
- Lewis H. Siegelbaum – Jack and Margaret Sweet Professor of History at Michigan State University
- Antonio José Bacelar da Silva – Assistant Professor of Latin American Studies – University of Arizona
- Subir Sinha – Senior Lecturer in Institutions and Development, SOAS, University of London
- Irene Small – Professor, Princeton University
- Colin M. Snider – Department of History – University of Texas at Tyler
- Greg Snyder – Union Theological Seminary, Columbia University, New York
- Andor Skotnes, Professor of History, The Sage Colleges, Troy and Albany, New York
- William C. Smith – Professor of Political Science, University of Miami
- Ted Steinberg – Adeline Barry Davee Distinguished Professor of History and Professor of Law at Case Western Reserve University, Cleveland
- Steve Striffler, Director of the Labor Resource Center, College of Liberal Arts, University of Massachusetts Boston (UMass)
- Susan Sugarman – Professor of Psychology, Princeton University
- David Swanson – Author, Director World BEYOND War, M.A. University of Virginia
- Robert C.H. Sweeny – Honorary Research Professor, Memorial University of Newfoundland, Canada
- Howie Swerdloff – Instructor, The Writing Program, Rutgers University
- Laura Tabili – Professor of History, Arizona University
- Horacio Tarcus – CeDInCI, Conicet, Argentina
- Rebecca Tarlau – Professor, The Pennsylvania State University
- Sinclair Thomson, Associate Professor of History, New York University (NYU)
- Enzo Traverso – Simon and Barton Winokur Professor in the Humanities, Cornell University
- Mario Trujillo Bolio – Profesor Investigador Titular Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios Superiores en Antropología Social – CIESAS Ciudad de México
- Cihan Tugal – Associate Professor of Sociology, University of California, Berkeley
- Ivonne del Valle – Associate Professor of Colonial Studies, Department of Spanish and Portuguese, UC Berkeley
- Diana Tussie, FLACSO , Argentina
- Joel Vargas-Domínguez – Centro de Investigaciones Interdisciplinarias en Ciencias y Humanidades (CEIICH), Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México (UNAM) – Mexico
- Eleni Varikas – Emerita Professor of Political Science and Gender Studies, University of Paris 8, CRESPPA (CNRS)
- Roberto Vecchi – Full Professor of Portuguese and Brazilian Studies, former Director of the Department of the Modern Languages, Literatures and Cultures, University of Bologna, Italy
- Miguel Vedda – Full Professor – University of Buenos Aires (UBA)
- Alejandro Velasco, Ph.D. – Associate Professor of Modern Latin America, Gallatin School and Department of History, New York University
- Matías Vernengo – Full Professor – Bucknell University, Pennsylvania
- Matthew Vitz – Assistant Professor, Department of History, University of California, San Diego
- Juan Pablo Vivaldo Martínez, Professor, UNAM
- Steven S. Volk – Professor of History, Emeritus, Director, Center for Teaching, Innovation, and Excellence, Oberlin College, Ohio
- Victor Wallis – professor, Liberal Arts Dept., Berklee College of Music
- Ellie Walsh, Ph.D. – Associate Professor of History & Social Sciences, Affiliated Faculty, Gender and Sexuality Studies Program, College of Arts and Letters, Governors State University, Illinois
- Valeria Wasserman Chomsky – Translator, ArtVentures Cultural Projects and Translations
- Helen Webb, Lecturer of Foreign Languages Emerita, University of Pennsylvania
- John Weeks – Professor Emeritus of Economics – SOAS – University of London
- Max Weiss, Associate Professor, Departments of History and Near Eastern Studies, Princeton University
- Kirsten Weld – John L. Loeb Associate Professor of the Social Sciences, Department of History, Harvard University
- Robert Wilcox – Professor of History, Northern Kentucky University
- Richard Williams – Lecturer, SOAS, University of London
- Howard Winant – Distinguished Professor of Sociology – University of California, Santa Barbara
- Joel Wolfe – Professor of History, University of Massachusetts Amherst
- John Womack – Professor Of The History of Latin America, Emeritus, Harvard University
- James Woodard – Associate Professor of History, Montclair State University, New Jersey
- Owen Worth – Senior Lecturer in International Relations – University of Limerick, Ireland
- Galip Yalman – Assoc.Prof. Dr., Middle East Technical University, Ankara – Turkey
- Pedro Paulo Zahluth Bastos – Visiting Scholar, University of California, Berkeley
- Francisco Zapata, Professor of Sociology, El Colegio de México
- Pat Zavella – Professor Emerita, Latin American and Latino Studies Department, University of California, Santa Cruz
- Tukufu Zuberi – Professor of Sociology and African Studies – University of Pennsylvania
Via Carta Capital
